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István KAMARÁS OJD: Changes in Reading Literature in Hungary

2008.12.22

István KAMARÁS OJD:

Changes in Reading Literature in Hungary in the New Political Regime

 (manuscript)

            A period of five years is a  very short  time in literature-reader relations to expect significant changes in reading habits and tastes. It is short for an individual and even shorter for a whole society, at the level of which individual differences even up. Such a political shift, the change from a "soft dictatorship" to democracy, cannot bring about  significant changes in attitudes, in traditions or in tastes. The question therefore is whether there is a change at all and if there is how this effects the chances, the prestige, the perception and the reception of literature. These questions seem to be easy to answer with the help of Ferenc Gereben1:  the half a decade of the new political system saw the continuation of the trend having started 5-10 years earlier: the positions of reading, including the reading of fiction, have started to detiriorate. Consequently, there are fewer Hungarian readers, they read less and read lesser quality, while the choice of reading materials has definitely broadened in the new political era. Yet, I think it worth descending from bird-view to earth level to have a closer look even if the danger of not seeing the forest from the tree is there. Naturally, it is also worth looking at the trends from even higher since many of the changes are international trends, too. Some time ago we were very happy to find that the reading comprehension skills of Hungarian students showed improvement in the international rankings. Then we realised that the better results were brought about by the poorer achievements of  those ahead of us. The reading comprehension of Hungarian students did actually slightly detiriorate compared to their earlier results, most probably due to activities such as watching television and video, and computing, which rely on the right hemisphere of the brain.2

 

1) Motivations

            Some of the motivating factors that influence our reading habits and our relations to literature might govern our behaviour in other roles as well, while some other factors typically motivate us in our role of the reader only. This motivation might have a variety of strength, direction and effect. There can be temporary or recurrent (constant) "motivators", and there can be motivators of a definitely aesthetic character or of other. Some motivations might be external, dictated to us by others or chosen by ourselves. Others can be internal, programmed in us (instinctive) or ones becoming internalised. Since 1989/90 there have obviously been fewer external motivations forced on the readers and we can suppose that there are more instinctive and self-chosen motivations at work. The question is whether the choice has broadened and within it the number of direct motivations, the ones enhancing reading literature, has grown or not. If we use the word "interest" in a broader sense than "self-interest" or "material  interest" each kind of motivation can be identified with interest. Our strongest motivation is our existential interest, when it is in our basic interest to read a certain work since we expect guidance in an "essential" question. There are several signs showing that since the political changes reading literature is motivated by this kind of existential interest to a lessening degree. Reading is more often related, or not related at all, to more particular interests.

 

2) Motivations Outside Literature

            Since the literary "how" is almost always connected with a non-literary "what" it is very difficult to separate literary and non-literary motivations. We migh wish to, want to read something about the pharaos, about homosexuality, the nature of power, or hunger for God, and this something might as well be a novel. In another case, for the same topic, we might deliberately choose a fictional work knowing that the particular text is a fictional (and not professional) approach to the topic of our interest. In the first instance the fictional reading substitutes non-fiction, in the second it complements one. So we can talk about political, spiritual, sociological, religious or other interests as motivating factors.

            I can agree with Imre Monostori, who says that during the dictatorship there was an unusual interest in fiction, especially in contemporary and Hungarian fiction, as substituting reading material. There might be a political message or gesture hidden, an encouragement against the ideology of the system which cannot be expressed explicitly in the public political discourse.3

            Literary readings can play a significant role in the pragmatic sphere of everyday life and this sphere in influencing reading. A literary work can can fill in a gap in knowledge and can serve a practical purpose like  a guide to usage. Literature can help form the daily routine of everyday life and can help  socialization in general (not so much in primary as in secondary socialization) 

in fields like getting to know people, building relationships, male and female roles, sexual and love life, conflict resolution, etc. It is fairly rare nowadays that somebody gains sexual enlightenment - with a purely practical purose - from novels only, yet there are many "tricks" of human relationships that can be extracted from literary works by the pragmatic or even by the  more high-brow reader. On the other hand, literarure can play a very important role in sexual enlightenment (and in other fields of enlightenment) at another level since it can say much more about sexuality or love than sexology or psychology can, which often rely on literary knowledge. And as the effect is almost always many-layered motivation likewise is "polyphonic": practicality, pleasure and methaphysics do not exclude one another.

            As far as I can judge it this role of literature has been narrowing gradually in the past decades. If somebody wants to acquire this kind of knowledge from reading at all s/he will turn to the widening choice of more pragmatic reading materials available nowadays. I am afraid that polyphonic motivation becomes rarer and rarer.

            Reading  fiction can be an organic routine of everyday life but reading itself (the world of reading) can be one of the other worlds or it can help the reader get to know the language and the rules of other kinds of worlds (religion, arts, love, philosophy). In understanding the different languages of other worlds the language of literature serves as a kind of meta-language - even if one cannot read music scores, mathematical or chemistry fomulae with this knowledge - since literary language makes the languages of holidays, intimate relationships, transcendence, beauty, games, religion, philosophy, more understandable. It is obvious that the familiarity with other worlds is both a consequence and a condition (motivation) of reading literature.4

            The strong dictatorship tried to eliminate the other worlds, the soft dictatorship tried to limit them. The lack of appropriate philosophical, religious, spiritual, mystical and esoterical  works was partly made up for by literary works. Nowadays the formerly missing works can be published, and on the other hand the populistic versions of spiritual, mystical and occult works have also appeared on the market. These kinds of reading materials used to be available only in the disguise of sci-fi or thrillers. The other worlds of Dostoyevsky, Hesse, Bulgakov, Pilinszky and others in their substituting roles can attract much smaller interest nowadays.

 

3) Reference-persons

            Motivation is often represented or transmitted by reference-persons or reference-groups as significant others. One can read a work because of the political, professional esteem of a person, or simply because of the personality itself, who has a great effect on one (one would do anything for his/her sake since s/he knows what is good, or since one would like to know him/her better with the help of the recommended book. The influence of one particular person can sometimes  be stronger than the reader's general inclinations, the validity of which can be suspended or even irrevocably changed by the person. Prompted by a relation, a friend, a lover, or by a charismatic personality who has captured us with his new ideas we are willing to turn to completely new kinds of works. This prominent reference-person can be anybody famous or popular  - the president of the republic, a television commentator, a first-class sportsman, a politician or a businessman - who captures the imagination of his/her fans when talking about literature, authors, or about their reading experiences.

            Why would a political reform process, even a systematic one, cause a significant change in this respect? We might though think of the fact that it is a writer who has become the president of Hungary and other writers have become party leaders and politicians. These roles however provide both pros and cons to reading their works. The question rather  is whether our personal relationships have changed significantly, too. If not so much among the general public in the circles of the intelligentsia many people have got into confrontations with one another along their chosen party lines and more of them have become rivals than allies.  One thing is certain: literature and book recommendation are  much less frequent topics of conversation than they used to be.

 

4) Reference-groups

            Our prominent relationships, our reference-groups, also significantly influence our choice of reading and the further fate of the chosen work. Usually the influences of several reference groups can be traced in our choices and decisions. There are the so-called literary reference groups, the ones organized around certain authors and works. These are  the formal or informal groups of literary professionals on the one hand, and  the "laymen" on the other hand, the groups and associations of the interested readers who support a certain literary periodical, trend or author. In this respect the space of freedom has expanded significantly. A wide variety of literary groupings have been formed under new banners and most of them have even entrenched themselves. In the capital and in a few bigger towns public literary meeting places have been opened in places such as book-stores, cinemas, cafés. They seem to have less appeal to people than the semi- or illegal places used to have. They attract an audience of one-two thousand people and almost without exception from the circles of the cultural elite which itself represents the manifold but is severely divided.

            The majority of the readers are not or hardly influenced by the reference groups mentioned above. For them it is the family, the circle of friends, the club, the company at the café, the small community that have influence, or the community, the company that enhances our self-esteem and that serves as the means of our social mobility. Often we read certain authors and books

because we do not want to stick out from where we belong, where we have been accepted, or because we want to demonstrate that we belong to a certain group (to the group of the educated, the elite, the well-read, the intelligentsia, the literary world, the modern world, the circle, the club). Whether the significance of the reference groups that positively influence reading is growing or declining depends on fact to what extent these little circles of freedom can play this role. There are certain signs that question our optimisim in this respect since many a cultural or public association or group have moved in the direction of  political activities and some of their members in the direction of economic enterpreneurship.

            Certain temporary groups can act as important reference-groups where one or the major source of the common experience is a literary work. Such framework might be provided by self-knowledge circles, psycho-hygenic courses,  biblio-therapy groups of addicts, spiritual exercises or reading camps, where the common experience and appreciation of a literary work is brought about in a spontaneous or consciously planned way. Most readers, of course, do not attend group programmes like these, but many have the experience of the temporary group of a hospital ward or the army. There are no signs however that there are positive developments in this field. There is one field that shows a radical change: the so-called reading movement has stopped, there are hardly any reading competitions, and the "socialist brigade movement" is a thing of the past, too.

            The socialist brigade movement, the Eastern version of human/public relations, used to be a phenomenon of the soft dictatorship and a characteristic means of a more refined form of manipulation. It has a special significance in the recent history of reading so it is worth a little digression. The partly enlightening and partly manipulative reading movements could easily identify  the socialist brigades as their targets since material interests played an important role in fulfilling their "cultural undertakings". A cultural "undertaking"  could most easily be the purchase, the reading and the discussion of a literary work. So thousands of people read not only  Soviet, "socialist", "socialist realist" or progressive literature, but also a great number of masterpieces. In the 1970s-80s the Soviet literature  included works  by Bulgakov, Ajtmatov, Okudzsava, Pasternak, and "socialist realism" or "labour literature" included Hungarian authors such as E. Fejes, F. Sántha, Á. Kertész, E. Galgóczy, I. Sarkadi, whose books were on the lists of "undertakable" readings.

            Despite the quality of some of the books the whole movement of course was an enforcement, the violation of the rights of the reader. Most of the questions related to the texts concerned the facts, the data and the plot of the work. The "undertakings" however did not always mean compulsory reading. Librarians, especially the ones working at the union libraries of the factories, had some freedom of movement and could turn a reading campaign into a dialogue, could initiate themselves and could recommend books on a personal basis . This is how it could happen that the members of all the socialist brigades in the town of Jászberény read a short story by István Örkény, titled 'There is always hope'5, which was later discussed and analysed in detail. But of course despite the best works and intentions the context of such events was interest-driven on behalf of the readers and manipulative from the side of the cultural policy. Many people could see through the game but entered it anyway. The brigades for example often carefully calculated how many books they had to buy so that they would  qualify for the reward given to the best brigades. Yet we can suppose that many people simply forgot the circumstances and enjoyed reading the masterpieces. Still, I do not miss the phenonena of soft violence,  the taste-shaping socialist movements, such as the "We Need a Good Book", "Book and Youth", "Play and Confession", "Attila József Reading Movement" and the rest.6  Not even when there  is no replacement for them, when it is very difficult to invent new common games that are clever, entertaining, creative, that develop the personality,  in which we can take part on a voluntary basis, and which will not evoke if not deliberately sad but still strange remininscences in us.

            Teaching literature at school is a regular yet special  case, so its place and context, most often the classrom and the literature lesson, deserve our attention. Some pupils take literature as one of the compulsory subjects while others might choose it as their favourite one. Some of the students take the role of the  audience (or even less, their behaviour showing that they are only physically present) while others play an active role in the class and form an elite group or literary circle around the teacher or around another student whom they consider even more competent. If not on a regular basis, during one class or a series of classes the common experience of a literary work might turn into a reference experience, and the audience of the literature class might transform into some sort of literary community serving as a reference group. This transformation is unfortunately very rare and we cannot even expect here a victorious break-through. Permitted by the local curricula schools can develop their own profile, the theoretical condition is given. But there are a lot of  other conditions missing to actually achieve this goal: there is a lack of teachers who are equally good at dealing with students and with literature, and  who also master the pedagogical communication skills; schools and homes should provide an atmosphere and a system of values that favour reading; and there should be a change in student attitudes both in their micro- and in their macro-environment.

            Special reference groups might be religious congregations,  groups taking part in liturgy and small religious communities. They can be both the audience and the community of arts, of literature.  The major organizing force in these instances is religion but in the liturgies of almost all religions and denominations literature plays and important role in itself since most of the sacred texts are literary texts. Not particularly sacred pieces are quite often performed, too, if not so much in liturgies then in paraliturgies. Most often these pieces serve as illustrations subjugated to religious purposes yet it is in these cases that literature - especially for believers not so much at home with arts - gets elevated to the level of sacred texts.

            As a professional in the sociology of religion I have not experienced much change in this field either. The one noticeable change perhaps is that literature  is more often represented by the "religious" (i.e. "Catholic", "Protestant") and by the "national" literature.

            Among the reference groups that motivate and influence the reader of literature there are some which are fairly homogeneous in their interpretation of a trend, of an author or a work. These groups might reach a relative consensus about the "truth" of  a trend, an ouvre, or a given work so we can call them interpretative groups or even interpretative communities. It is much easier to find consensus in rejection than in appreciation, and in interpretation it is a "common denominator" at most that can be reached even in the "sects" of those who fanatically (and dogmatically) believe in a trend, in an author or in a work. While other reference groups hardly ever exclude one another, these ones mostly do. So a reader belonging to several reference groups, which is most often the case, might end up in a conflict situation under the influences of different directions. But there is a greater chance that  the reader can reach a kind of compromise of the different influences than that s/he can "serve two masters", i.e. belong to two interpretative communitities which represent conflicting systems of values. To bring Hungarian examples, it is difficult to imagine that someone can belong to both the Sinka-group and to the Hamvas-group, or both to the fans of Esterházy and of Sütő. (I am not  saying that it is not possible for a reader to like the works of both Esterházy and Sütő, what I mean is that it is difficult to imagine a reader who would be an ardent participant in both interpretative groups parallelly.)

            There is a significant change in this field. The number of these kinds of groups has somewhat grown, they have become legalised and institutionalised. Several of them issue their own  periodical, and papers and periodicals nowadays more often send the message of a certain reference group (as opposed to the message of an opponent group) to the readers than they used to. The majority of non-literary papers cannot become reference-factors or motivators since they rarely, or do not at all, publish  literary pieces, and they only  publish a few articles dealing with  literature (such as obituaries, interviews, introductions, reviews). The same tendency can be seen in Catholic papers and periodicals. The Zászlónk (Our Banner) for teenagers, the Igen (Yes) for youth, the weekly Új Ember (New Man), the Jel (Sign), the Vigilia, the Pannonhalmi Szemle, which also publish literary works,  publish  their complementary, not overlapping set of authors, and there is hardly any coverage of each other's published literary pieces.

 

5) Institutions Transmitting Literature

            I will only deal with two of them: with the library that plays a very special role, and with the book trade (I would have written "book spreading" some time ago).7  Both offer reading materials, including literature. One is a public cultural service institution, the other (without question today) is a commercial service. Neither of them particlarly favours litareture or valuable literature.  Readers can be seriously motivated by the offer of books itself with its volume and structure. The offer continually expands in the case of libraries (if the process is not hindered by the worsening economic situation), and it varies in the bookstores. Readers  can be influenced and guided  by a transmitting professional (the librarian and the dealer) in person or by their special means (such as catalogues, prospectuses, recommending bibliographies). The librarian and the dealer can provide the reader - besides the basic texts - with secondary literature, with reviews and manuals of literary history and theory which offer interpretation or  alternative interpretations, and which can guide the reception of literature. It is a dilemma first of all for the librarian but also for the dealer how to represent both the transmitted literary value and the interest, the personality, the freedom of the reader at the same time. There is a difference in the motivation exercised by the transmitting professional if s/he concentrates on the reader rather than on the work, if s/he respects the taste of the reader but at the same time tries to develop this taste.

            As a consequence of the change in the political regime the more or less socialist "book spreading"  has turned into a more or less capitalist book trade (it lacks capital and proper infrastructure). As Judit Lőrincz8 points it out the elimination of central permission and the widening of the choice has opened up the society, and this more open society has encouraged polyphony. The present day situation of the book trade however suffers from a number of anomalies. Book publishing shows uneven professional qualities and the way books are sold to the public is of very low standards (even lower than it used to be). In the rivalry between the book stores and the street vendors it is the customer who loses. The canvas covered street stalls sell "canvas" (a term for poor quality books in Hungarian), devaluing the concept of book itself since the street or  subway  trade sells books on sex, pornography, political adventures or scandals, horror and occult: a quasi-culture in short. The market has been flooded by an almost unfollowable number of books on certain topics, such as 1956, the 1950s, the infamous secret police (the ÁHV), Transylvania, God, the occult, joga, etc. Due to "filling up" the third book on any one topic becomes boring for the reader yet the fifth or the sixth one might be the best or the only reliable one. Since books published in smaller numbers are usually soon reprinted in a cheaper version some not too enthusiastic readers wait for the second  publication but might miss the book altogether. The biggest segment of the customers of books, the intelligentsia and the professional middle-class, are becoming more and more impoverished and can afford fewer books. This  tendency cannot be counterbalanced by the purchases of students and of adults who need books for their retraining, and these groups  buy certain kinds of  books (mostly non-fiction) anyway.

            Despite the fact that the libraries pursuing general cultural aims never became full-blooded socialist libraries - because they soon got contaminated by the functions of public libraries - since the change of regime a process started earlier has accelerated. The essence of this process is that libaries are becoming liberal, service-providing institutions oriented towards the users and try to surpass the aesthetic value-conservatism of humanistic education.9  At the beginning we wanted to interfere with everything, with people's world view and thinking, later it was "only" their tastes. Library stocks, analyses, recommendations all served the purpose of "helping the blind cross the street even if they do not want to" - this is how Katalin Havas 10 desribes the activities of libraries of the "damned" era, the recollections of which are still very dear for a lot of librarians.

The new concept of libraries replaces the distribution of spiritual goods with transmission; the moralizing, messianistic taste-shaping function that claims to follow a "calling" is replaced by the ethics of cooperation and by neutrality in  philosophical,  political, religious and ideological sense. I think the aspect of preserving values continues to play a role in our public libraries - somewhat in a "preserving in eliminating" way. For example, as K. Havas points it out, the strict alphabetical order on the shelves is changed into sorting: Ken Follett leaves Flaubert, Robin Cook leaves Camus to join others on the due  "romances", "thrillers", "adventures" shelves, no longer casting a shadow on the great masters.11 One would think that the rocketing book prices and the avalanche of book publishing threatening with burial would chase readers to the libriries. But this is not exactly the case. Due to the detiriorating positions of reading  the numbers of readers enrolling in libriaries and the numbers of regular borrowers  have not grown in the 1990s. True, they have not diminished, either. The number of libraries has however dropped from 4.644 libraries in 1985 to 3.987 in 1991 because a lot  factory and union libraries were closed down.12

 

6) The Attitudes of Literature Reading

            All the different motivations to read compose the reader's reading attitude (behaviour), the elements of which are the aesthetic sense (a partly inherited characteristic as some experts say); the taste (which is not only a feeling since we can talk about the sentence of taste); the amount of books read (which comprises not only of the received and recallable texts but also the amalgam of reading experiences that have partly sank into the sub-conscious, partly can be brought back on the conscious level); the familiarity with literary languages (traditions); and the reader's strategy, which is a conscious concept of literature, of a given text, and the reader's intentions with them. Have readers' attitudes changed? It is obvious that a system of values in which beauty and transcendence play a central role influences a reader attitude differently from one where security, utilitarianism and puprose orientation play crucial roles. Nowadays there is no authoritarian obstacle to beauty and transcendence. But there is no back wind or favourable atmosphere to help them either. The tendency  of our present day restructuring of our value sytem goes in the direction of obtaining material goods  and political power, even among the poor and the powerless.13  Anything available now, useable right away, is over-estimated. The most frequently borrowed books of the Budapest libraries - as the findings of by Éva Bartos show -  have been books that serve a utalitarian or an entertaining function. Since the 1980s the choice of popular books has become dominant. In 1990-91 people turned to the present times and recent history and borrowed documentaries in large quantities, historical and political works revealing the recent past and  books by  formerly banned authors. By the middle of the 1990s the tides have changed again: popular literature has become the most favourite (more sought after than ever), and there is a great demand for mystical, New Age, extraterrestial and quasi-scientific topics.14

I can interpret all these phenomena the way that on the one hand superficial changes do not last long, and on the other hand they do not eliminate the more durable, constant motivations to read: the demand for entertainment, the need for tales, the magic of taking excursions in other worlds.

            Whether an occasional reader becomes an important factor, such as an opinion forming person or a book orderer, it does not only depend on him/her. It also depends on the given conditions of  the public scene, where the so-called literary life exists - or vegetates - as a sub-structure, and where there are several opportunities at various levels for writers, transmitting professionals and readers to meet regularly. The parent of a literary work is the author, the adopter of the child is the reader. Others insist that a literary work is born while being read. Whether the former or the latter statement is true we can add that a literary work is not only born, or brought to its feet, in the silence of the reading process but also during communication among readers. This kind of discourse does not only shape the reader's story, it also shapes the social positions of literature and shapes society itself.

            What chances does this discourse have today when it is mostly silent or only mumbling? What are the perspectives for the reading habits of today's children and youth? Secondary school students read five times as much  popular literature than they used to a decade ago, among their favourite authors one can overwhelmingly find R. Cook, S. King, C. Kenneth.15  According to librarians the "better half" of the 12-14 year-old cohort increasingly read non-fiction and fiction written  for adults, not quality fiction but cheap romances and weaker sci-fis. In the mirror of their reading materials they look both infantile and prematurely old  at the same time.16  Adventure and fight  are pushed aside by stories of violence and aggression, fear and anxiety grow in young readers, says Judit Pápai Kelemen in a research report of the reading habits of 10-14-olds.17   "The poor vocabulary and the devastated imagination that could be prompted by the spoken word makes the language of literary works of art alien for the 10-18-year-old youth. Reading becomes a tiring activitiy and is unable to rouse the pupils' interest while the video and computer games provide for the inherent need for tales without requiring an effort. Gradually the Fahrenheit-effect develops: one gives up reading", Teréz Balatoni observes.18  However, it is not the television, the video, the computer or the CD-ROM that are the "tempters" or harbringers of bad influence. Research has shown that an intelligent familiarity with the language of seeing can enhance the usage of other languages, too.19 

            Returning to the Fahrenheit-effect the situation might even be worse since here and now it is not an authority, a political power that puts obstacles in front of reading and prevents the discourse that helps interpret it. There are instead a variety of other factors operating. It is also probable that our situation is not worse than it is depicted by Bradbury or Truffaut. "Changes or the break-up of traditons?", asks Attila Nagy. I think both are happening  now. A. Nagy also observes that "in the turmoil of political extremisms and a growing manipulation by the media it is only the cultural traditions that - with the help of educators and librarians, the "organic intelligentsia" - can give a feeling of inner security."20  The question is what elements of tradition he thinks of. The one that says "I do not read or write, I am a Hungarian nobleman", or the tradition which since the end of the last century produced a Hungarian Jewry that was the best educated community, produced the agrarian-socialist  reading movement, the reading movements of the socialist brigades; and prominent figures such as József Eötvös, Ervin Szabó, Gyula Somogyvári, Endre Fejes, Mór Jókai and Anna Jókai, László Németh, P. Howard, etc., and the various interpretations of their works. Change does not only mean that we throw the books out of the ballooon basket but is also means selection, re-interpretation and a new learning process. It is true that new subjects have started to push literature aside. But this process has just commenced, it might bring about changes that induce reading again. And in this process the citizen might play as important a role as an animator as the "organic intelligentsia". On the other hand, as far as I can see, it is not so easy to give up traditions, including buying books or reading literature. The audiences of author-reader meetings - about one-fourth of the earlier similar occasions are held nowadays - might be half of  the numbers that used to be but there is hardly anyone among these audiences who have been "directed" there, hardly anyone a "quasi-reader" who is attracted not by literature but by the author, seen as a famous personality, the hero of a scandal, or the representative of a political message. There might be smaller numbers turning up at these events but among them there is a bigger proportion - and even bigger when compared to the vast majority - of real readers who have an existential interest in litearure, who frequent the other worlds, and who wish to see things in their totality.

 

Notes

 

1 Ferenc GEREBEN: Könyv, könyvtár, közönség (Book, Library, Audience).               Budapest, 1994. p. 251. Manuscript.

2 Attila NAGY: Ablak a Demokrácia tér és az olvasás utca sarkán (A Window at the Corner of      Democracy Square and Reading Street). A presentation at the IRA        Conference in Budapest, 1995.

3 Imre MONOSTORI: Cserbehagyott szépirodalom (Fiction Left to its Fate). A presentation   at the IRA Conference in Budapest, 1995.

4 István KAMARÁS: Az irodalom olvasója (The Reader of Literaure). Budapest, 1994.    Manuscript, p. 43.

5 István KAMARÁS: "Mindig van remény" ("There is Always Hope).                        2000, Budapest, 1994, Volume 17, p. 6.

6 István KAMARÁS: Mire pályázunk? Tények és vélemények az olvasómozgalmi pályázatokról    (What Do We Apply for? Facts and Opinions about Applications in the    Reading Movements). Könyvtáros, 1984. Volume 12.

7 Further details on other institutions see Note 4.

8 Judit LŐRINCZ: Az írásos kommunikációs rendszer változásai (Changes in the Written Forms    of Communication). Budapest, 1995. Manuscript, p. 36.

9 Sándor KATSÁNYI: Ideáink változásai (Changes of our Ideas). A presentation at the OSZK  Conference on Reading, Budapest, 1991.

10 Katalin HAVAS: Politikai és gazdasági változások hatása a könyvtárakra (The Effect of   Political and Economic Changes on Libraries). Budapest, 1995.                     Manuscript.

11 Katalin HAVAS: ibid.

12 Judit LŐRINCZ: ibid.

13 Imre MONOSTORI: ibid.

14 Éva BARTOS: Adalékok az olvasói érdeklődés alakulásához (On the Changes of Reader     Interest). A presentation at the IRA Conference, Budapest, 1995.

15 Attila NAGY: ibid.

16 József HARMAT: 12-14 éves gyermekek olvasási szokásairól (On the Reading Habits of   12-14-year-old Children). A presentation at the IRA Conference,                          Budapest, 1995.

17 Judit PÁPAY KEMENCZEY: Szívesen olvasnám (I would be happy to Read it). A pre sentation at the IRA Conference, Budapest, 1995.

18 Teréz BALATONI: A Fahrenheit-effektus (The Fahrenheit-effect). A presentation at the IRA  Conference, Budapest, 1995.

19 Katalin KOVÁCS: Video és olvasás (Video and Reading). A presentation at the IRA   Conference, Budapest, 1995.

20 Attila NAGY: ibid.

 

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